Saturday, 29 August 2026

Battle of Hastings - How the Bayeux Tapestry has been corrupted!

How the Bayeux Tapestry has been corrupted! 


You're thinking that the headline is pretty strong and may be even clickbait. I'm going to show you why I think the Establishment has lost the plot and it all begins over 200 years ago..... 

The Tapestry was scheduled to be displayed at the Louvre in Paris in 1803/04. Up until then it couldn't have been an object worthy of study but some French historians decided they would study it and needed a quick way to reference particular points of the Tapestry. 

The historians came up with an easy way to reference the Tapestry by aligning "scenes" with the Latin inscriptions which seem to align with the illustrations below as seen below for Scene 50 



By https://www.bayeuxmuseum.com/la-tapisserie-de-bayeux/decouvrir-la-tapisserie-de-bayeux/explorer-la-tapisserie-de-bayeux-en-ligne/, Public Domain, https://commons.wikimedia.org/w/index.php?curid=190988073


However, the one sentence per illustration breaks down when the Tapestry tries to depict the Battle. Here's Scene 52 


By https://www.bayeuxmuseum.com/la-tapisserie-de-bayeux/decouvrir-la-tapisserie-de-bayeux/explorer-la-tapisserie-de-bayeux-en-ligne/, Public Domain, https://commons.wikimedia.org/w/index.php?curid=191000051


By https://www.bayeuxmuseum.com/la-tapisserie-de-bayeux/decouvrir-la-tapisserie-de-bayeux/explorer-la-tapisserie-de-bayeux-en-ligne/, Public Domain, https://commons.wikimedia.org/w/index.php?curid=191000908

Here's the content descriptors.  

For the first part    A part of scene 52 of the Bayeux Tapestry, depicting men battling 

For the Second part  A part of scene 52 of the Bayeux Tapestry, depicting Leofwine and Gyrth, brothers of King Harold, falling 

And just for good measure here's Scene 53


By Université de Caen Normandie · CNRS · ENSICAEN d'après la campagne photographique 2017 de la Fabrique de patrimoines en Normandie. - https://www.bayeuxmuseum.com/la-tapisserie-de-bayeux/decouvrir-la-tapisserie-de-bayeux/explorer-la-tapisserie-de-bayeux-en-ligne/, Public Domain, https://commons.wikimedia.org/w/index.php?curid=190856988

What is impossible for historians to see is the difference in activity between Part A and Part B and half of Scene 53. In  Scene 52 part A one can see the shield wall intact and the English facing Eustace of Boulogne ( according to The Chronicle of Battle Abbey author). In Part B,  I can see is mounted knights coming at the Huscarls/thegns from both left and right and this spills over into  over into Scene 53.  Also notice no one is running away i.e no Fyrd or levees are present. This echoes William of Poitiers account ( Gesta Guillelmi) "Full of zeal the Normans surrounded some thousands who had pursued them and destroyed them in a moment, so that not a single one survived."

If you can see a reason why Scene 52 part A and B should be together please make a comment otherwise please get a professional historian to give a reason other that that's how the French Historians saw it in the early 1800's. I'd love to hear it.




Wednesday, 5 August 2026

Battle of Hastings - Interesting factoid about the Bayeux Tapestry

  Interesting factoid about the Bayeux Tapestry

Just a quick entry about an interesting fact concerning the Bayeux Tapestry. 

Have you ever wondered why the Bayeux Tapestry has 58 scenes and not 70 or 5?

Apparently it is all tied to the writing on the Tapestry. Back in 1804/5 just before going on display in the Paris Louvre Museum, historians wanted to be able to refer to specific parts of the Tapestry quickly and they noticed that the Latin sentences seemed to be relevant to the embroidered scene below or in close proximity to the scene. Hence the 58 scenes. 

The part of the Tapestry that deals with the actual battle(s)  is where the above breaks down. 

If you look at scenes 51 (a and b) and 52 (a) they form a cohesive picture of the Norman knights advancing to contact with the English  heavy infantry and attacking said infantry from the rear ( Eustace of Boulogne according to the Chronicle of Battle Abbey). The English are in good order i.e. within their shield wall so the stage is set for an engagement.  So here we have the embroidered scene not being in sync with the writing on the Tapestry. 

Now cast an eye at Scenes 52 (b) and half of Scene 53. This time, although the horses are in the same configuration as the combined scenes 51 and 52 (a), the English heavy infantry seem to have been reduced to the last survivors of the previous scenes. Again the text is not in sync with the images. 

So now, half of scene 53, scene 54, scene 55 and scene 56 form yet another episode in the battle ( the start of the main battle imo). Finally, we have the death of Harold and the remaining Huscarls and routing peasantry in scenes 57 and 58. 

From the above historians have a dilemma. Do they side with the French historians of the early 19th century or do they remain faithful to the peasantry, the great unwashed and unlettered so to speak, and interpret the Tapestry according to what is shown on the Tapestry. I'm going to invite a historian that I have had dealings with before for his comments. I'll add his comments below. 

Friday, 10 July 2026

Battle of Hastings - Arrival of the Tapestry to the British Museum

 Arrival of the Tapestry to the British Museum


See https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/cly9r54e5r4o

It is amazing how a little knowledge can see through to errant reporting. 

No doubt the reporter was on hand to witness the arrival of a most unique object but I wonder where he got his facts?

Yes, it was produced within the lifetime of some of the participants of the battle but like all the other reports of the 11th Cent. it relied on Norman monks and clergy recording the battle for its information. 

The report says "58 scenes" because that is the accepted wisdom of the Establishment. However my research lumps together the last 7 scenes into 4 key moments (Start of morning battle, end of morning battle, start of afternoon battle and end of afternoon battle with the death of Harold II) . So where else has the accepted wisdom gone wrong? It looks as though I'm going have to investigate the history of the allocation of the scenes. I would have liked the report to state that the Tapestry consisted of nine panels stitched together to form a 70 metre long object.

The Bayeux Tapestry is actually fourth in the line of sources (1077). First, there was the Song of the Norman Conquest  attributed to Bishop Guy d'Amiens ( 1067). Second, was a revision  of William of Jumieges "Gesta Normannorum Ducum"( 1070). Thirdly, William of Poitiers' s "Gesta Guillelmi" (1071).

The portion of the Tapestry shown in the article from the BBC is from Scene 51 ( for ease of reference) and Scene 52 when the Norman knights meet the English Huscarls for the first time ( the third hour). And Scenes 51 and 52 illustrate the randomness of the "Scene" allocation. 

Scene 51a
Scene 51b


Scene 52

The BBC report shows a bit of Scene 51b and part of 52 and does not explain what they are showing. Also note that Scene 51 "runs into" Scene 52.

 As a bonus I can tell you who it is entering "stage right" in Scene 52. According to the monks of Battle Abbey writing in 1154 " ..., the vigorous Eustace, count of Boulogne, attacked them from the rear."

Anyway, if you are going to see the Tapestry during its stay in London, enjoy. 

P.S let me know how many black dots ( holes in the fabric) there are. 

All Bayeux Tapestry images are public domain and have been sourced from:-

 Wikipedia https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bayeux_Tapestry_tituli

Wednesday, 3 June 2026

Battle of Hastings - Non Historical Musing

Non Historical Musing 


I've been told that anything I write from a historical viewpoint can be reliably be ignored but what about things that are not historical but operate on a practical level? 

Take for instance William's landing in the Port of Hastings a few days after landing at Pevensey. I've not been able to work out from the official narrative exactly where William did land and of course there are those who fervently believe that William didn't land at Hastings at all. Let's take the sources at their word in that William came ashore at the Port of Hastings and that where the town centre is today was the Port of Hastings.



Figure 1 Hastings Shore to Upper Fort

 The above figure shows the elevation of the various routes from the Shore +20 m to the Upper Fort situated alongside the A2100. The routes are:-

A:        Base of Castle

B:        Old Town

C:        1. Viaduct    via Mount Pleasant

            2. Viaduct    via Elphinstone Lane

D:        Cornwallis Gardens


Route A  Proposed Fort location to roundabout A2100/A2100/B2159 ( Battle Road). Roundabout to Junction of Elphinstone road and the Ridge ( Hastings Cemetery). The Ridge to Old London Road. Old London Road to Priory Road. Priory Road to Castle Hill Road. junction of Castle Hill Road and Albert Road delivers you to within 20m above sea level (a.s.l) Total distance 9.8 km

Route B  Proposed Fort location to roundabout A2100/A2100/B2159 ( Battle Road).  Roundabout to Junction of Elphinstone road and the Ridge ( Hastings Cemetery). The Ridge to Old London Road. Old London Road to the Bourne delivers you to within 20m a.s.l Total distance 9.2 km

Route C1* Proposed Fort location to roundabout A2100/A2100/B2159 ( Battle Road).Roundabout to Junction of Elphinstone road and the Ridge ( Hastings Cemetery). The roundabout at the end of Elphinstone road and A2101 delivers you to within  20m a.s.l Total distance 7.4 km

Route C2 * Proposed Fort location to roundabout A2100/A2100/B2159 ( Battle Road).Roundabout to Junction of Elphinstone road and the Ridge ( Hastings Cemetery). Elphinstone Road.  The Ridge to Old London Road. Old London Road to Priory Road. Priory Road to Mount Pleasant Road. Mount Pleasant road to Elphinstone Road. The roundabout at the end of Elphinstone road and A2101 delivers you to within  20m a.s.l  Total distance 9.4 km

Route D  Proposed Fort location to roundabout A2100/A2100/B2159 ( Battle Road) Battle Road to Bohemia Road. Bohemia Road to Cambridge Road. Cambridge Road to Cornwallis Gardens delivers you to within 20m a.s.l. Total distance 6.4 km

* The Same finishing point - Bottom of Alexandria Park

Methodology

Using Google Earth I noted the stated elevation at every 200 metres until I was within 20 metres in elevation of the shore. So, the tolerances for height on Google Earth was 50cm ( 18 inches).20 metres ( or approximately 65 ft) is approximately where the highest tide would have reached in 1066.

Argument 

The above methodology gave me both distance and gradient from the fort alongside the A2100 to 20 m a.s.l. As can be seen from the graph even though the route C2 has the steepest gradient it is not the shortest route. 

The shortest route belongs to route D which is where Hastings Priory was built in the last few years of the following century. So for me, it brings into question as to why the Priory was planted there on top of the inlet drying up. 

The "powers that be" insist that the landing took place on the other side of the inlet ( those who think William landed in the Port of Hastings) by the castle. Again from the above graph, route A is the longest route to the Upper Fort and immediately enforces a steep climb to gain the Ridge. 

Thursday, 6 November 2025

Welcome to the Blog!

 Welcome to my Blog!


Hi, 

Just a quick entry to welcome you to the blog and reassure you that it is still active despite the last post being last year (2024). 

As you can see from the landing page this blog goes back intermittently to 2015. In it you can trace my thinking from when I had only a copy of the Bayeux Tapestry right through to when I have authoritative translations of most 11th and 12th cent. sources. 

The article that Nick ( of Hastings Online Times fame) wrote is based on a paper ( with minor adjustments) that can be read on Academia. A version of that paper appears on this blog in four parts dated 18/19 July 2024. 

In between looking at the Battle of Hastings I have researched Edward the Confessor's life and that of his Mum, Emma of Normandy and come up with five after adding two plus two (Edward had been swapped out in 1025 and his Mum was a conniving but strong  so and so). 

I shall continue to post bits and pieces but most of what I can say has already been said but one final thing before I sign off. 

I am just one one of many people that have carried out research into the battle and each of us has come to a different conclusion with the same lack of physical evidence. Each thinks that he/she is correct come Hell or high water. But each one of us are worthy of some respect. Even though Nick of Hastings Online Times got me to give reasons to doubt Caldbec Hill and Crowhurst without Nick Austin's work on the state of manors in the Domesday Book, John Grehan's insight about how the Normans travelled from Pevensey to Hastings and Kathleen Tyson's old thought about William being at the Fecamp Abbey's manor out towards Guestling the night before the battle, I wouldn't have made the progress I have made. So hats off to them in particular. 

Right, there's 48 other entries for you to peruse, I won't keep you any longer. 

Regards 

Kevin 

Norway 6/11/25

P.S If you see this little chappie in your travels on YouTube 

it's me and the decision has been made to expand onto a permanent website - more about that later. 

PPS Here's a link to an earlier version of the whole thing :- 

https://archmdmag.com/the-battle-of-hastings-1066-a-fresh-perspective-by-kevin-casey/

Monday, 30 December 2024

Historians - Bah Humbug!

The Closed Shop (and Minds) of "Professional" Historians 

This is not one of my normal posts on the Battle of Hastings but rather a rant about the interactions I've had with "professional" historians. That is not to say that the dealings have been anything but courteous but at the same time totally dismissive. 

Let's start with English Heritage. Wace's tome, Roman de Rou runs to 11419 lines in Glyn S Burgess's translation. From lines 7699 to 8920 it details events surrounding the battle give or take a couple of lines.  Now in line 7947/8 it states " The priests and the ordained climbed up to the top of a hill to pray God, say their prayers and watch the battle" . Applying this to the official site at Battle Abbey one finds a mound about a kilometre away that could be the hill in question. Question is what level of detail can be seen at that distance?


English Heritage had a very snazzy answer Well, they wrote, Wace got confused between the Battle of Hastings ( 1066) and the Battle of Tinchebrai in 1124. So, Wace had a memory lapse nearly 300 lines into his description of the Battle of Hastings to describe events nearly 60 years later. I'm not buying it.  

Next in line is the Bayeux Tapestry Museum. At least with the Museum I've had multiple interactions. But here is the background. I was asked by the then County Archaeologist if I would contribute to a symposium on 1066 if he could organise it. I accepted and got to work on a Powerpoint presentation based around the Bayeux Tapestry. I had already seen that the scenes from 51 to 58 could be split into four "frames" and I gave a preview to my family. My stepdaughter asked if I was going to allow questions "on the fly" or answer them all at the end. When I said at the end she replied that I had to reference the slides so the audience could refer back to them. I knew that the battle started at "the third hour" and ended at vespers. Applying that to my interpretation of the Tapestry I came up with tierce, sext, none and vespers as being the times being represented on the Tapestry. I contacted the museum with my interpretation of the Tapestry and was summarily dismissed. Eventually I got a copy of Wace's Roman de Rou and found the quotation above. Wow, I thought, confirmation that someone with a religious bent recorded what went down and when. Off I trotted to the Museum again pointing out that the monks in Wace's account recorded the battle for posterity and therefore the Tapestry reflected that. Well, the response came back, you can't rely on anything that Wace records but it is known that the practice of recording the battle fell to the clergy. I got the impression from the geezer that he considered the Bayeux Tapestry of no value beyond being a survivor from a long time ago. 

Now comes the individuals I've had dealings with in no particular order. First off they don't answer the question asked if it means going against the official narrative. I asked one historian about the contradiction in the Chronicle of Battle Abbey. You know, the then King wants to mark the spot where Harold was killed and then just 20 lines afterwards the monks confess ( in writing!) that they built the High Altar where they saw a standard fall to the ground. So the official narrative has the King having his rant but ignores what the monks go on and writes. I pointed out to the historian that if the account was written in 1154 as suspected, then a different dynasty was in charge of the throne and the monks felt safe confessing. The response came back that the Chronicle was written long after the Battle and therefore of questionable quality. I asked a similar question to another historian and I got the response that there was a battle fought in the environs of the Abbey according to "their" colleagues. I responded rather sharply that I hadn't dismissed the fact, I just wanted to know how to work it into my narrative. 

Another thing historians warn amateurs like me about is coming to a conclusion on a single source. I can see two in the standard narrative. The first one is pretty obvious, "Senlac". Introduced by Orderic Vitalis in his tome he says its "early" name was Senlac but everyone tries to translate it via Norman Latin and adds "ridge", Someone has tried translating it from Anglo-Saxon and came up with "beautiful meadow" and the Bayeux Tapestry shows "broken ground" under the first encounter. 

The second single source is a bit surprising. It is about Harold and where he died. The only source that details where Harold was killed is William of Malmesbury's account and even he adds a rider to the fact. I challenge anybody to find another 12th century reference - even the monks confess they didn't follow the King's rant. 

Yet if one steps outside the accepted narrative with three sources one gets stamped on very hard. Take Scene 51 of the Bayeux Tapestry, Gesta Guillelmi by William of Poitiers Part ii para 18 and 19 and Song of the Norman Conquest  line 363 and 364. What's shown in these three places is the initial skirmish between Huscarls and the Norman army. William says all were killed ( thus indicating the Normans were facing Huscarls) and the Bayeux Tapestry shows the remnants being put to the sword. 

So, if you are a historian reading this can you drop a comment as to why historians in general act in this manner?

Let me wipe the foam from my mouth and calm down before returning to the human race. 

Monday, 5 August 2024

Battle of Hastings - Review of "The Ecclesiastical History of Orderic Vitalis" Vol II Books III and IV"

 

The Ecclesiastical History of Orderic Vitalis

 by kind permission via PCsclear

I am using the translation by Marjorie Chibnall from the Oxford Medieval Texts. ( ISBN 0-19-820220-2). The page number of the English translation and the quotation are presented in bold.

 

Page 173         “Several men of religion had come with the warriors from Normandy”

Until I read this, I had no idea that Odo was not the only bishop to have come over with William. Orderic names the other bishop as Geoffrey of Coutances. This backs up what Wace wrote in his Roman de Rou. It further solidifies in my mind that the final Scenes of the Bayeux Tapestry from Scene 51 onwards are linked to specific times of the day. It may be that the group working on the Tapestry were working from notes made at the time of the battle(s) by observing clergy

Page 173         “Battle was joined on 14 October at the third hour and was bitterly contended all day long with heavy slaughter on both sides. “

Orderic here is thought to be parroting William of Jumièges whose Gesta Normannorum Ducum Orderic edited between the dates 1109 and 1113. Again, we are left in the dilemma of what is exactly meant by “all day long”. No indication is given if Orderic meant a continual or continuous fight throughout the day.

Page 173         “To oppose him a great multitude of English flocked together from all sides to the place whose early name was Senlac,3”.

The present day estimate of the armies’ strengths gives us about 7000 personnel on each side. I’m in no position to doubt that figure. There does seem to be a discussion to be had around the name “Senlac”. As Orderic details that the name was “early”, it could mean that the name was of Saxon origin. Therefore, anyone trying to turn it into an Anglo-Norman place name is being misguided. M Chibnall, whose translation I am working from, put in the footnote 3 that it was derived from “Sandlacu” meaning sand stream. There doesn’t seem to be a stream at any of the places thought to be the alternate battlefield.

 

Another translator, S Charnock (n.d.), indicated in the journal “On Certain Geographical Names in the County of Sussex. Report of the 42nd Meeting British Association for the Advancement of Science, p. 177.” That Senlac could be a corruption of “Scan- leag”. This alters the translation to “beautiful meadow”. If one checks with the Bayeux Tapestry Scenes 51 and 52 and part of Scene 53, all the action takes place on  flat “broken ground”.

Another point to ponder is the closeness to Mount Joy in Battle or Mountjoie. Instead of commemorating a victory at the top of Caldbec Hill it commemorates a victory over the advanced guard of the English Army admittedly the best troops Harold had.

Now this is just for the initial encounter and furthermore Orderic goes on to write :

Page 173         “Reaching the spot they all dismounted from their horses and stood close together in a dense formation on foot”.

So now we have a scene unfolding before our eyes namely, that fighting took place from the third hour at a place called Senlac. And all the English combatants got off their horses and formed a shield wall. That word “all” should tell us that that we are dealing with Huscarls not the lowly levies or Fyrd. So, are we are witnessing what has been drawn on the Bayeux Tapestry in Scenes 51 and 52?  Then, is it only logical to assume that the King and the lowly Fyrd are missing from this encounter on the Tapestry because they are not there? In my opinion Orderic is confirming what has been hinted at in the Bayeux Tapestry, Gesta Guillelmi and the Carmen in that this was a skirmish of sorts. I say that because a skirmish is usually fought by a small number of troops on one side and the lead elements of the opposing side. However, the word “skirmish” does not appear in the English language until the 13th century as a verb as in “to skirmish” ( 14th Cent as a noun) according to the Online Etymology Dictionary, so, perhaps the monks didn’t have a broad enough vocabulary to describe what was happening.

 

Page 177         “So the battle raged from the third hour, and Harold the king was slain in the first assault.”

Now this is the controversial part of Orderic’s account. I’m inclined to go along with the official narrative considering that Orderic heavily edited William of Jumièges “Gesta Normannorum Ducum”. Again, Orderic emphasises that the battle started at the third hour and this time adds the rider that we find in William of Jumièges’ opus that Harold was killed in the first assault. Interestingly, the Chronicle of Battle Abbey has a Standard of Harold’s falling to the ground where the High Altar was set up. Could it be that the eye witness was confused as to what the Standard signified? The other 11th century sources put Harold’s death later ( Vespers – Carmen, past None – William of Poitiers and about Vespers – Bayeux Tapestry).

Page 177         “For by chance long grasses concealed an ancient rampart, …” Seeing that they could be sheltered by the broken rampart they reformed their ranks and unexpectedly made a stand, …”

I have problems understanding the terrain when the 12th century writer mentions “ramparts”. Having grown up in the era of Hollywood films, my imagination places big stone walls with crenellations on top into the landscape. However, the landscape feature that present itself at my chosen location for the Malfosse is a cleft. So, the “ramparts” are the steep sides of the footpath going through Ashes Wood. Even places that have been nominated as potential Malfosse sites do not have such a thing that I have imagined. But all sites do have very steep sides to a cleft in the ground. So, perhaps I need to redefine the medieval word “rampart” in my mind to mean a steep sided cleft in the ground.

Page 179         “Meanwhile the duke had finally routed the enemy and returned to the battlefield, “

Again, Orderic might have picked this up from William of Jumièges as William states that Duke William returned to the battlefield at midnight after slaughtering his enemies. In my opinion this fact is not confirmation of the Duke’s action but just a repeat of William of Jumièges assertion.

Page 191         “… he built the abbey of the Holy Trinity at Senlac, the site of the battle, and endowed it with wealth and possessions … “

This seems like confirmation that the Abbey was built on the battlefield of Senlac and the monks were justified in building the Abbey where they did. Let’s remind ourselves of the conditions that Orderic relates in conjunction with Senlac. He relates that ALL of the English combatants RODE up to the battle (Huscarls only) and using three 11th century sources ( Bayeux Tapestry, Gesta Guillelmi and the Carmen) we can surmise that this encounter was a skirmish as was common in that time but perhaps the observers having a limited understanding of war just saw this as the start of hostilities.